Archaeologists recently completed excavations of a segment of a 150-foot-long stone tunnel running beneath Monticello's East Lawn (Figure 1) . The tunnel ventilated three indoor privies that Thomas Jefferson installed in the mansion as part of an ambitious campaign launched in 1796 to rebuild his house. It was an unusual decision. We know of no other examples in Colonial North America or the Early Republic. While even the wealthiest planters of his era, including George Washington at Mount Vernon, built their privies outside, Jefferson brought his indoors.

Figure 1: Monticello's archaeologists and the excavated segment of the privy tunnel.
Our excavation has prompted us to take a closer look at the documentary and material evidence to understand how Jefferson's indoor privies and the privy tunnel worked, who maintained them, and why he might have designed them and ordered their construction. For more on how the tunnel was engineered by its builders to take advantage of local geology, see our earlier blog post (Neiman 2025).
First, we consider evidence for Jefferson's design of the indoor privies and the tunnel. The privies were located in three adjacent, vertical brick shafts that were built during the rebuilding campaign of the 1790s. The first version of the mansion lacked indoor privies. The three shafts were located between the eastern wall of Jefferson's bedroom and the parallel western wall of the southern side passage (Mesick Cohen and Wait Architects 1991[1993]:58, 65). Two of the privies were located on the ground floor. One was accessed from Jefferson's bedroom and the second from southern side passage from the sitting room used by his daughter Martha. The third privy was located off the southern side passage on the second floor.

Figure 2: Ground-floor plan of the second version of Monticello mansion.
The privy tunnel was an important aspect of Jefferson's design. Its open southern end emerged from the south-facing slope that separate the level East Lawn from Mulberry Row. From there it traveled 150 feet north, buried beneath the East Lawn. Once the tunnel intersected the house, it continued as a brick barrel vault for another 25 feet, running under the basement floor. The tunnel then intersected the bottoms of the three brick shafts that served the privies above. The shafts traveled up through the basement and the three stories of the house, terminating in a skylight in the roof. We suspect that Jefferson designed this arrangement in hopes that air would be drawn into the tunnel and travel up the shafts, taking odors with it. Jefferson referred to the indoor privies as "air closets," a neologism that we think alludes to this aspect of the design. Just how well the arrangement worked is not clear.
Just what did the privies look like and how were they maintained? Much of the physical evidence has been destroyed or is currently inaccessible. In the 1950s Monticello's curators installed HVAC conduits in two of the privy shafts. These are still in use today. About the same time, architect Milton Grigg restored the privy adjacent to Jefferson's bedroom, leaving behind no traces or record of the original evidence. However, we can glean some important insights from Jefferson's letters.
In a letter and an accompanying drawing from 1794, several years before construction began, Jefferson laid out his design for the privies. It featured a plank seat and floor in front of it, suspended above an open-air shaft. He wrote "the floors & seats to be grooved into a string board thus the string board forked at bottom, & leaning against back to as to need no sleepers across the flues." Jefferson used the "string board" or ledger, set on a diagonal, to ensure the open shaft below the seat was unobstructed (Figure 3). The design implies that Jefferson's original intent was for waste to drop to the bottom of the shaft in the basement.

Figure 3: Jefferson's design for the privy floor and seat comprised of planks fitted into grooves in a diagonal ledger board.
Further clues come from an 1802 letter, when the rebuilding campaign was well underway. Jefferson asked joiner James Oldham to prioritize finishing the carpentry in the second and third air closets. His reasoning was simple: "…because it will be very disagreeable working in them after even one of them begins to be in use" (Jefferson 1802). This makes sense if the waste from each adjacent shaft ended up in a single receptacle where it was allowed to accumulate.
Accumulating waste had to be removed. Starting in 1806, Jefferson recorded regular payments to enslaved people over two decades to clean the "sewers." There are roughly 130 payments between 1806 and 1826 (e.g., Bear and Stanton 1997:1181, 1305, and 1355). The same people reappear throughout the accounts and include Ben, Phil, Ned, Nace, and Moses. Jefferson paid 1 dollar for one month's work, an amount that was roughly the daily wage for an unskilled free laborer. The frequency of payments was typically monthly. However, waste removal may have taken place more frequently.
Just how this unpleasant task was accomplished remains unclear. We do not know how the receptacle at the bottom of the shafts that required cleaning was accessed. Any evidence, if it survives, is obscured under the modern basement floor and the HVAC conduit that fills the brick shafts.
Jefferson's descriptions of his plan for the tunnel indicate it was an essential part of the overall design from the start. In his 1794 remodeling notebook, Jefferson calculated the length (40 yards), breadth (1½ yards), depth (2 yards), and total cubic yards (120) of the excavated "sink" (Jefferson 1794). In another document from 1794, Jefferson detailed how the tunnel, which he called a "sink conduit," was to intersect the house:
"Sink conduit is to be 2-6½ wide. but adjacent to the chamber it will be only 2-2½ because of the thickening of the wall which projects outwardly at the angle of commencement 4. I. which allows for the pavement 3. I. arch 9 I. clear height 3.ft.=4ft. to which must be added the pavement of the sink" (Jefferson 1794-1797)
In that same document he recorded that the slope of the tunnel was "to descend 1. in 40. or 3 I. in 10 f." Finally, he noted that "the S.W. face internal to coincide with inner face of S.W. pier of middle arch of piazza then to go South Eastwardly parallel with axis of house."
Five years later at the end of December 1799, Jefferson urged Monticello overseer Richard Richardson to begin construction of the tunnel: "Do the wall of the sink. It is to be 3 f. wide and high in the clear, & to descend 3 I. in 10 feet" (Jefferson 1799). His measurements matched his earlier calculations. Later in the same memorandum, he asked that Richardson coordinate workers to "Haul slatestone from the quarry for the sink and for the covered way, kitchen, & office" (Jefferson 1799). However, our excavations revealed that the floor of the privy tunnel was never paved, an omission that makes sense since a stone floor was unnecessary for the tunnel to do its job.
During our excavations, we carefully recorded the stratigraphic layers representing the original mountaintop ground surface and the episodes of digging and deposition that created the artificial topography of the East Lawn that we see today. We learned that the 150-foot-long stone tunnel was carefully constructed in a trench dug through these earlier layers. The trench was from 3-to-6-feet deep and 6-feet wide.
How might we understand Jefferson's willingness to spend so much effort on the construction of his "air closets" and tunnel? We begin by emphasizing that Jefferson's design was unique. We know of no other examples of interior privies or the air shaft and tunnel arrangement from the time. In the early Chesapeake, most plantation-owning elites used chamber pots or simply stepped outside to relieve themselves. Sherds of ceramic chamber pots litter archaeological sites from the 17th and early 18th centuries, while privies are extremely rare. However, by the middle of the 18th century, as standards changed and levels of wealth among elites increased, outdoor privies became more common. They were an amenity that could only be afforded by the wealthiest planters. Their costly masonry construction and fine exterior and interior architectural finishes exceeded practical requirements for a functioning privy. They cannot be explained solely by the builder's desire for convenience. They had a social function as hard-to-fake signals of elite status. Washington's Mount Vernon and William Byrd III's Westover in Virginia and Charles Drayton's Drayton Hall in South Carolina offer examples (Chappell 2013:44-45).
Artifacts from the 2025 Mountaintop Access - East Lawn Excavations
Sample of all artifact types from the 2025 Mountaintop Access - East Lawn excavations
Utensils from Mountaintop Access. Left to right: Fragmented spoon bowl, iron handle, and carved bone handle
"Small finds" from Mountaintop Access. Left to right: tobacco pipe bowl, paste gem, button blank, 3 beads, clothing hook, and watch key
Ceramic gastroliths or "gizzard stones" from Mountaintop Access
Brick fragment with fingerprint impression from Mountaintop Access
Prehistoric Indigenous coarse earthenware ceramics from Mountaintop Access (c. AD 900-1600). Surface treatments include added rim strips, cord marking, punctating, and notching.
Fragments of one or more Rockingham/Bennington ware spittoon (1830-1900)
Buttons from Mountaintop Access
In the wake of the American Revolution, Jefferson served as ambassador to France from 1785 to 1789. The job brought him into direct contact with European royalty, aristocrats, urban elites, and their cosmopolitan tastes and standards of living. Among the standards accessible only to a subset of these groups were "water closets" that relied on pipes both to provide enough water to entrain waste and to remove it from living space. Jefferson's lodgings in Paris at the Hôtel de Langeac featured a "water closet" (Monticello 2025a, 2025b; Rice 1947:15; Lounsbury 1994:399). Our current hypothesis is that Jefferson's "air closets" were his attempt to approximate the indoor functionality of Parisian water closets in the absence of the requisite plumbing and reliable water supply.
We suggest that being able to offer his family and guests access to an indoor privy and to minimize odor from it was not just a convincing signal of wealth. It was also a sign of his familiarity with standards, tastes, and norms that would merit being taken seriously as a competitor or ally, not just by fellow citizens of the new republic, but by cosmopolitan European elites who comprised an increasing number of visitors to Monticello. Under this hypothesis, a key factor responsible for Jefferson's replacing upscale outdoor privies that had worked for most of his contemporaries with even more costly air closets was his ambition to operate effectively in larger, ocean-spanning social networks. From this perspective, the air closets were another example of Jefferson's adaptation of cultural forms he encountered in Paris to advance his social and political goals. Others include the elevation of the second mansion, inspired by the Hôtel de Salm, and the French cuisine prepared by enslaved, Paris-trained chef James Hemings and his successors.
However, Jefferson did not entirely abandon local privy traditions at Monticello. The second version of the mansion also featured two privies located outside its living spaces at the north and south ends of the All-Weather Passage running through the basement of the house. Each was served by its own, much shorter tunnel which intersected a rectangular pit in which waste was deposited. Judging from the better-preserved north privy, waste could only have been removed by removing the seat. Both these privies lacked vertical shafts, so any air moving in the tunnel flowed through the door. Users of the southern privy may have included enslaved domestic servants who worked in the adjacent kitchen and service spaces and lived in rooms in the South Wing. Users of the northern privy may have included visitors whose carriages were parked under the North Wing. Jefferson also recorded the location of a privy on Mulberry Row (Jefferson 1796). Careful archaeological excavations were unsuccessful in finding it during the 1980s, suggesting it may have simply been a bucket in a wooden shed, sitting on the ground surface.
Jefferson was able to achieve state-of-the-art waste disposal at the White House soon after he was elected President. To get there he needed help: the expertise of professional architect and engineer Benjamin Henry Latrobe. Backed by congressional funding, Latrobe oversaw a wide array of improvements to the White House, including the construction of Palladian-style wings to house services, kitchen renovations to meet the needs of Jefferson's French chef, and real water closets. Latrobe's skills with water technology were probably the key. They had been honed when he oversaw the design and construction of Philadelphia's first waterworks, which included steam-powered pumps, brick conduits, wooden cisterns, and wooden pipes to distribute water from the Schuylkill River across the city (Gibson and Wolterstorff 1988). Latrobe used these skills to rebuild the White House roof with a system of gutters to collect rainwater and feed it to watertight wooden cisterns in the attic. From there it was piped to two water closets on the second floor (MacDonald 2011). Exactly where the waste ended up after it was flushed out of the house is not clear. Jefferson's desire for water closets in the White House and Latrobe's success installing them provide additional evidence that Jefferson's air closets at Monticello were an innovative attempt to approximate elite European standards of refinement through complex ventilation, in the absence of hydraulic plumbing.
A final comparison offers further evidence that their social payoffs were the primary motivation for Jefferson's interest in air closets and water closets. In 1806, as his second presidential term drew to a close, Jefferson began work on a new house at his Poplar Forest quarter farm. Just outside Lynchburg. He hoped it would serve as a retreat where he could escape the flood of visitors to Monticello. Lacking the prospect of an audience, Jefferson designed two old-fashioned outdoor privies housed in nicely finished brick octagons located on east and west of the house about 180 feet from it. He located a third privy that was likely intended for his own use at the bottom of an exterior staircase tacked onto the west side of the house, outside its living spaces. In all three cases, there were no tunnels or brick shafts.
References
Bear, James A. and Lucia C. Stanton. 1997. Jefferson's Memorandum Books. Accounts, with Legal Records and Miscellany, 1767-1826. 2 Vols. Princeton University Press, New Jersey.
Beiswanger, William. 2000 [2003]. Privies. https://www.monticello.org/research-education/thomas-jefferson-encyclopedia/privies/. Accessed November 21, 2025.
Chappell, Edward. 2013. Fieldwork. Pp. 29-47. In The Chesapeake House: Architectural Investigation by Colonial Williamsburg. Edited by Cary Carson and Carl R. Lounsbury. The University of North Carolina Press, Chapel Hill.
Gibson, Jane Mork, and Robert Wolterstorff. 1988. "The Fairmount Waterworks." Philadelphia Museum of Art Bulletin, vol. 84, no. 360/361, pp. 1–46. JSTOR. https://doi.org/10.2307/3795402.
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Jefferson, Thomas. 1796. Monticello: building insurance, recto. N133; K136. Thomas Jefferson Papers: An Electronic Archive. Massachusetts Historical Society, Boston, Massachusetts. https://www.masshist.org/thomasjeffersonpapers/doc?id=arch_N133. Accessed November 26, 2025.
Jefferson, Thomas. 1799. Memorandum to Richard Richardson, ca. 21 December 1799. Founders Online, National Archive. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-31-02-0232. Accessed November 5, 2025.
Jefferson, Thomas. 1802. Thomas Jefferson to James Oldham, 24 April 1802. Founders Online, National Archive. https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-37-02-0258. Accessed November 5, 2025.
MacDonald, Travis. 2011. The East and West Wings of the White House: History in Architecture and Building. White House History 29, Summer: 44-87.
Mesick Cohen Waite Architects. 1991 [1993].Monticello Historic Structure Report. Volume I. The Chronological Development of Monticello 1769-1826 with Description of Exterior. Prepared for Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation.
Monticello. 2025a. Hôtel de Langeac. https://www.monticello.org/research-education/thomas-jefferson-encyclopedia/hotel-de-langeac/. Accessed November 26, 2025.
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Rice, Howard C. 1947. L'Hotel de Langeac: Jefferson's Paris Residence 1785-1789. Thomas Jefferson Memorial Foundation, Monticello, Virginia.